Child labour in the global economy

Child labour in the global economy This report proposes to examine the key effects, elements and issues surrounding child labour in relation to the global economy. Through their thorough and convincing research, the authors, Eric .V.Edmonds and Nina Pavcnik (2005) estimate the number of economically active children between the ages of 5-14 years and claim that parental poverty is its main cause. However, they are hesitant to endorse the widely held belief that international policies are the solution to this global crisis; rather they suggest more domestic measures to limit it, such as affordable education and more job stimulation. They also argue that contrary to popular perception most working children engage in domestic/market work rather than in manufacturing establishments. Introduction The term Child Labour is a widespread phenomenon often equated to child abuse. In Erics footnote on What is Child Labour? He states the International Labour Organisations (ILO) definition of child labour which is defines an economically active child as a child labourer if she is under 12 and economically active for one or more hours per week, 12-14 and working more than 14hours per week or one or more hours per week in activities that are hazardous by nature or circumstance and if she is 15-17 and works in unconditional work forms of child labour (trafficked children, children in bondage or forced labour, armed conflict, prostitution, pornography, illicit activities)(ILO 2002, cited in Edmonds and Pavcnik 2005; pp.200). Edmonds asserts however that these forms of child labour are rare. He insists stating that children engage in activities which could either be harmful or beneficial depending on the type of activity and also the impact on the child should depend on what the child would be doing if not working (the childs alternative foregone). Household Survey evidence by the ILOs Statistical information and monitoring program on child labour (SIMPOC) also defines child labour as A child is defined as economically active if he or she works for wages (cash or in-kind); works in the family farm in the production and processing of primary products; works in family enterprises that are making primary products for the market, barter or own consumption; or is unemployed and looking for these types of work (ILO 2002,cited in Edmonds and Pavcnik 2005; pp.201). This is a more practical definition taking into account that most children work at home for their families; either on the farm or domestically. The rare hazardous forms of labour stated in the ILOs definition are difficult to make out in household surveys which the SIMPOC are based on thus specialized surveys are conducted by the ILO and other concerned organizations. As a result of these surveys, the ILOs SIMPOC (2002) estimates 8.4 million children engage in unconditional work forms of child labour and of these, 68 percent are in bonded or forced labour (forms of slavery). According to Edmond and Pavncik most child labourers are employed by their parents to work on the farm or domestically which goes against the widely held view that children work mainly in manufacturing establishments and other forms of employment. They argue that children also face risks in the simplest forms of labour as they get older, for example agriculture, due to exposure to toxic chemicals, harsh weather conditions, animals/parasites. Ashagrie (1997) agrees with this point stating that the self reported injury rate from child labour surveys of chi ldren working in agriculture is actually higher at 2 percent than the 9 percent level reported in manufacturing. (Ashagrie 1997 cited in Edmonds and Pavcnik 2005; pp.208) Edmonds and Pavnciks article posits an open research question as to whether the reasons children engage in these hazardous working conditions differs from the driving force of children working on their family businesses or domestic work. Literature review. Child labour in the global economy is estimated at 211million, ILO (2002), which accounts for 18 % of children, aged 5-14 worldwide. Of these, 60 % are in Asia and 23 % in sub Saharan Africa. Although Asia has a greater percentage of child labours Africa has a higher participation rate estimated at 30%. SIMPOC also estimates that 4 % of children work in transition economies (i.e. countries undergoing economic liberalization) and 2% in developed countries. The United Nations childrens educational fund (UNICEF) conducted three surveys in thirty-six less developed countries in 2000 and 2001 providing information on the participation rates in both domestic and market work for 124 million children. The first survey helps buttress Edmond and Pavcniks point on child workers engaging mainly in domestic/ market work rather than manufacturing establishments. Participation rates in various activities for 124million children 5-14 from 36 countries in 2000. All children 5-14 Age 5-9 10-14 Gender Male Female Location Urban Rural Market work (MAR) 25.0 15.3 35.2 26.6 23.3 18.9 30.5 Paid 2.4 1.0 4.0 2.8 2.0 2.2 2.5 unpaid 5.8 4.4 7.3 5.6 5.9 4.0 7.3 family 20.8 12.4 29.7 22.4 19.1 14.8 26.2 Domestic work (DOM) 64.6 50.8 79.2 59.3 69.9 60.7 67.4 Any work (MAR + DOM) 68.4 53.5 84.3 64.8 72.1 64.1 71.7 20 or more hours per week 20.7 10.3 31.8 19.4 22.1 14.1 26.4 40 or more hours per week 6.4 2.7 10.3 6.1 6.7 3.6 8.8 UNICEF End of Decade Assessment microdata, (2000). See Edmonds and Pavcnik (2005, JEP). From the table above it is evident that less than 3% of children work outside the household for pay and this is mainly the case in rural settlements rather than urban where manufacturing activities are dominant. Approximately 6% participate in unpaid work. Edmonds and Pavcnik interpret these unpaid children as those children who help their neighbours in the farm or business or could also be children receiving in-kind payments (food) as well as children who are indebted to their employees by their parents. However in contrast to this, 20.8% of children work in family businesses and of this figure, 26.2% are in rural areas and 14.8% in urban. The authors further research shows that there is an agreement with this UNICEF survey from other available data from countries like Nepal, South Africa, Vietnam, India as well as Bangladesh where child labour in its garment industry also had a figure of 1.2% unpaid children age 5-14 as cited in a 2002 child labour survey. According to the table ap proximately 65% of children work domestically and 68% work in both market and domestic work. There is a high participation rate pattern by older female children age 10-14 in rural areas. The table also shows that they tend to work longer hours than males. This is probably due to cultural domestic values. Agriculture takes the largest part of the employment sector in countries (e.g. Kenya 77% In 1998, Guatemala 63 %in 2000, Ethiopia 89% in 2001 etc) followed closely by domestic work and then manufacturing which is only a percentage of economically active children. Figures from the Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) 2004 (FOA 2004 cited in Edmonds and Pavcnik 2005)match with this indicating that most adults work in agriculture and since most children work with their parents they also work in agriculture. There is a trade off between work and school for child labourers. Most working children attend school and the UNICEF estimates in its second survey the total hours of work in relation to different types of work as well as school attendance. The data shows that on average, children spend 26 hours on market work weekly. Children that work for their families and are unpaid spend 27hours weekly. Paid employment takes up more hours in a week and by older children. Children that take part in domestic work spend 16 hours per week .Edmonds and Pavcnik further stated that these figures should not imply that domestic work is insignificant because on average, majority of the hours spent on market work is indeed domestic work. However children that attend school spend less hours working than those who do not attend school. The third survey below by the UNICEF reports the school attendance of children aged 5-14. From the table we observe that approximately 70% of children in that age range attend school and this attendance is mainly in favour of older male boys, in urban areas. School attendance conditional on work status accounts for 74%. There is a 14% likelihood that children who do not work do not attend school but this is reflected mainly in younger children. Less than 5 % of the 30% of children that do not attend school work in market work only and we see that domestic work is more popular in this case as 32% of the 30% participate in it alone. Thus Edmonds states that in ignoring this figure of domestic work researchers would lose out on one of the segments of children not attending school. A large fraction of children, 42%, well known as idle attend neither school nor work Work and schooling status for 124million children 5-14 from 36 countries in 2000 All children 5-14 Age 5-9 10-14 Gender Male female Location Urban rural Attend school 69.5 58.9 80.8 70.768.3 75.1 63.9 Attendance rates conditional Any work Not work 73.9 60.0 64.1 80.6 52.9 82.2 75.7 72.3 61.6 57.8 80.1 68.3 64.9 52.8 Conditional on nonattendance Domestic only Market only 32.0 4.5 30.8 34.9 2.8 8.3 27.1 36.6 6.3 2.7 31.8 32.0 4.9 4.3 Both market and domestic Not work 22.0 41.5 13.1 42.2 53.3 14.6 20.3 23.5 46.2 37.1 12.8 26.6 50.6 37.1 UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey End of Decade Assessment microdata.(2002) Child labourers face consequences on schooling attainment because time spent working gives less time for extracurricular activities and might weaken their school performance. Orazem and Gunnarsson (2004) find that third and fourth graders who attend school but never work in market or domestic work perform 28 % better on mathematics tests and 19% better on language tests than children who attend school and work. Empirical evidence of this is given in an example by Beegle, Dehejia and Gatti (2004) wherein after five years of working and schooling they examined the status of young adults in Vietnam. They observed that a one standard deviation increase in the hours worked by children attending school is equated to a 35% decrease in educational attainment. Edmonds and Pavcnik however are of the school of thought that this negative correlation between working and grade advancement might reflect that low performing students engage in work rather than that work generates low-performing stude nts. Parents send their children to work not by choice but as a result of economic necessity thus Child labour is caused fundamentally by poverty and as far back as data show, there have been several policies proposed with the aim of fighting against child labour worldwide. Have these legislative acts helped solve the problem of child labour? To answer this question Edmonds and Pavncik give two examples, firstly the US Congress enacted laws prohibiting the importation of goods made by children and as a result of these sanctions, Bangladesh was said to have released over 10,000 paid child workers below the age of 14 from its garment industry in the mid 1900s. Evidently this is not drastic as the figures are a tenth of the percentage of child workers in Bangladesh. Furthermore Moehling (1999) finds little evidence that minimum wage laws in manufacturing sectors put into practice between the years 1880 and 1910 contributed to the decline in child labour during this period. In addition, the a uthors state that more recent studies show that the US House of Representatives have discussed the Child labour elimination act which would enforce punitive measures, alter financial support, and order US oppositions from multilateral development banks to 62 developing countries affected by child labour. Edmonds and Pavcnik argue that although these policies might help reduce child labour, they are not guaranteed to be successful in less developed nations where they are targeted at for these reasons enumerated in their article: Lack of available resources to implement policies (i.e. bans) mainly in cases where the children engage in market work for their parents wherein the end product contributes to the family income. Child labour policies are seen as a case of multiple equilibrium, Basu and Van (1998), whereby children that work at low wages are at one equilibrium and increased adult wages when children do not work are at another therefore defeating the purpose of the ban. Moreover according to Basus example (2003), if firms are fined for child labour, the cost of the fine increases the demand for cheap child labour as opposed to high earning adult workers in order to make more profit to offset the fine which in turn makes child labour necessary. Children that are prohibited from working legitimately might move into more hazardous forms of child labour or non exporting sectors of the economy such as prostitution however there is no scientific evidence of this. Since Poverty is the main cause of child labor it would be logical to combat child labor by A) Improving the standard of living of families i.e. increasing adult income which in turn does the following Diminishes the marginal utility of income which decreases the value of marginal contribution because as more income comes into the family form parents it eliminates the satisfaction derived from the income contribution of the child. Brings about the purchase of alternatives used in place of child labour (e.g. washing machines) Increases a childs productive level in schooling (human capital) because the family is now able to afford necessary materials (e.g. textbooks) B) Encouraging credit markets to give loans to poor households is another suggestive method because child labor has been said to be a result of credit market imperfections. Baland and Robinson 2000; Ranjan, 2001 agree with this stating Several theoretical studies emphasize that if credit markets allowed households to borrow against future earnings child labor could be much reduced C) Providing affordable education because parents would be willing to contribute to improve their childrens long run chances yet, are however left with no choice but to send their children to work due to the perceived returns to schooling. Policies have been adopted to reduce chid labour through educational subsidies. An example of such is the Progresa program in Mexico which is predominately used in many countries worldwide. It gives parents an incentive to keep their child in school. Parents are paid if the school certifies that the child has been attending school regularly. Thus it is a demand approach aimed at reducing the cost of schooling, which varies with age of the child, and increasing family income. Conclusively relying on laws and their enforcement as discussed previously, is a necessary but unsatisfactory solution to child labour. Overall, economic development interventions relevant to the underlying cause are more effective policy tools to reduce the incidence of child labour.

Essay --

Government type: Republic Capital: Suva Geographic coordinates: 18 08 S, 178 25 E Time difference: UTC+12 (17 hours ahead of Washington, DC during Standard Time) Daylight saving time: +1hr, begins fourth Sunday in October; ends third Sunday in January Legal system: the legal system of Fiji is similar to the Canadian system. National holiday: Independence Day, second Monday of October (1970) Suffrage: 21 years of age; universal Administrative Divisions: 4 divisions and 1 dependency*; Central, Eastern, Northern, Rotuma*, Wester Fiji is an island, which demonstrated get value and potential this can be shown through theirs Government system. Fiji government was formed in 1970; its legal system is similar to the English government. The three branches of government that make up Fiji are the Executive branch Legislative branch and the judicial branch. Each branch of government takes care of a specific part. The executive branch takes care of the law being made in Fiji. These laws are made and appointed by President Ratu Epeli NAILATIKAU. The Legislative branch acts to amend and repea...

Limitations
 of the BCG model Essay

The BCG model is criticised for having a number of limitations (Kotler 2003; McDonald 2003): âž ¢There are other reasons other than relative market share and market growth that could influence the allocation of resources to a product or SBU: reasons such as the need for strong brand name and product positioning could compel resource allocation to an SBU or product (Drummond & Ensor 2004). âž ¢What is more, the model rests on net cash consumption or generation as the fundamental portfolio balancing criterion. That is appropriate only in a capital constrained environment. In modern economies, with relatively frictionless capital flows, this is not the appropriate metric to apply – rather, risk-adjusted discounted cash flows should be used (ManyWorlds 2005). âž ¢Also, the matrix assumes products/business units are independent of each other, and independent of assets outside of the business. In other words, there is no provision for synergy among products/business units. This is rarely realistic. âž ¢The relationship between cash flow and market share may be weak due to a number of factors including (Cipher 2006): competitors may have access to lower cost materials unrelated to their relative share position; low market share producers may be on steeper experience curves due to superior production technology; and strategic factors other than relative market share may affect profit margins. âž ¢In addition, the growth-share matrix is based on the assumption that high rates of growth use large cash resources and that maturity of the life cycle brings about the expected profit returns. This may be incorrect due to various reasons (Cipher 2006): capital intensity may be low and the business/product could be grown without major cash outlay; high entry barriers may exist so margins may be sustainable and big enough to produce a positive cash flow and a growth at the same time; and industry overcapacity and price competition may depress prices in maturity. âž ¢Furthermore, market growth is not the only factor or necessarily the most important factor when assessing the attractiveness of a market. A fast growing market is not necessarily an attractive one. Growth markets attract new entrants and if capacity exceeds demand then the market may become a low margin one and therefore unattractive. A high growth market may lack size and stability. Given the aforementioned weaknesses, the BCG Growth-Share matrix must be used with care; nonetheless, it is a best-known business portfolio evaluation model (Kotler 2003).

Why You Should Avoid Racist Halloween Costumes

Why You Should Avoid Racist Halloween Costumes Once upon a time, Halloween costumes were simple. Witches, princesses, and ghosts surfaced as the most popular get-ups. Not so anymore. In recent decades, the public has taken a fancy to costumes that make a statement. Unfortunately, these costumes sometimes make statements viewed as racist or anti-Semitic, such as when Englands Prince Harry donned a Nazi outfit to a party. Want to make a splash with your Halloween costume but not one that’s racially offensive? Then avoid the following get-ups. Ghetto Person/Black Person Rappers introduced the term â€Å"ghetto fabulous† into the American lexicon in the 1990s. The term refers to the flamboyant fashions that arise from the streets of inner cities. Who knew in the ’90s that college kids nationwide would throw parties in the new millennium with â€Å"ghetto fab† themes? Guests at such parties sport lots of â€Å"bling,† or ostentatious jewelry. Some might cover their teeth with fake gold or platinum caps and their heads with do-rags. Women might wear huge hoop earrings, fake fingernails and the scanty clothing that rap video vixens wear. Men might style their hair in cornrows or don Afro wigs. The problem with these ghetto fab costumes is that they invoke stereotypical images of African Americans as low-class, gauche, thuggish and sexually provocative, among others. These costumes tend to be classist and racist, impelling black college students who become aware of â€Å"ghetto fab† parties to have disciplinary action taken against party organizers for creating a racially hostile environment on campus. Redneck The flipside of the ghetto fab costume is the redneck or hillbilly Halloween costume, which is also both racist and classist. Those opting for such a costume might wear a mullet wig, cowboy boots, and a cowboy hat, along with jeans and a plaid shirt. Such costumes promote the stereotype that poor whites are ignorant and worthy of ridicule. They suggest that poor and working-class whites are inherently inferior to their more affluent counterparts. Geisha Girl Oddly enough, the geisha girl costume is popular among girls and women, alike. Considering that geishas are perceived to be high-end prostitutes in many circles, that’s cause for concern. Also troubling is that, along with the dragon lady, china doll, and lotus blossom, geisha girl is a racial and sexual stereotype thrust upon Asian women. The geisha stereotype is one that paints Asian women as submissive, doll-like and existing only to sexually gratify others. A contributor to Racialicous.com who goes by the name Atlasien poignantly spelled out why she objects to the appropriation of the geisha image. â€Å"Geisha are not very relevant in modern-day Japan. They’re a fossilized archetype, almost like a ninja,† she remarked. â€Å"But a lot of people, especially white people, are invested in defending geisha, in putting them on a pedestal. And when they do that, it does harm to Japanese-American women and to all Asian-American women.† Muslim The 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon not only put Arab and Muslim Americans under additional scrutiny in the U.S., but they also resulted in a rise in costumes related to Islamic fundamentalism. Want to wear a burqa for Halloween? There’s a costume for it. How about a Muslim suicide bomber? That costume’s available as well. The question is why would you want to wear one of these costumes? They’re far more likely to offend people you encounter than to make them laugh. To boot, they raise the worst stereotypes about Muslim Americans, the overwhelming majority of whom are peaceful and law-abiding citizens. American Indians (With or Without Cowboys) Considering the backlash against Native American mascots in sports, it should be no surprise that donning an American Indian costume is likely to rub some the wrong way. Whether you’re a kid dressing up as an Indian during a Thanksgiving play or an adult rooting for your favorite sports team while wearing faux war paint and a headdress, you’re likely to get a reaction because these costumes typically paint Native Americans as cartoonish and savage. Throwing cowboys into the mix only adds insult to injury. When European â€Å"cowboys† settled the Americas, they not only set out to appropriate Native lands but to decimate or neutralize the indigenous population. â€Å"Cowboys and Indians† parties make light of the atrocities committed in the name of manifest destiny. A January 2009 editorial written by college student Tefari Abel Casas Fuchs reveals how emotionally damaging â€Å"Cowboys and Indians† parties can be to Native American students. In addition to these issues, the sexy Pocahontas costumes on the market for women are racially offensive as well. Not only do they sexualize Pocahontas, a young adolescent girl, but Native American women generally. All too often, the sexual relationships Native American women had with European settlers were exploitative or abusive, with Native women regarded as the derogatory term â€Å"squaw.† Gypsy Gypsy getups frequently make the rounds at Halloween functions. Like Native American costumes, however, these costumes typically paint Gypsies, more appropriately called Roma, in cartoonish terms. â€Å"The romanticized image of the ‘Gypsy’ is alive and well in song lyrics, novels, costume parties, musical groups, and other forms of cultural imagery: ‘They are exotic women in colorful skirts, dancing in sensual swirls....’ They dance by campfires, travel in caravans, tell fortunes with crystal balls or Tarot cards,† notes advocacy group Voice of Roma. In addition to this, the Roma are stereotyped as being beggars, pickpockets, and con-artists. A case in point is that one can use the expressions â€Å"I got conned† and â€Å"I got gypped† interchangeably. Rather than counteract such stereotypes, Gypsy costumes promote them, ignoring the fact that the Roma have long been persecuted and continue to face virulent discrimination throughout Europe. During the Holocaust, approximately 1.5 million Roma were exterminated. In the present, Roma are denied their rights to housing, employment, healthcare, and education, according to Amnesty International. The agency also reports that Roma are often victims of forced evictions, racist attacks, and police brutality. How stiff is bias against the Roma? When Madonna asked for Roma discrimination to stop during a concert in Bucharest in August 2009, the crowd reportedly jeered. Wrapping Up When choosing Halloween costumes with a racial bent, err on the side of caution. You’ll be less likely to offend if you dress up as a specific person rather than an anonymous member of a racial group. In other words, consider going as Barack Obama for Halloween rather than a black guy, any black guy. And be sure to avoid changing your features in a way that’s offensive. This means not wearing blackface to be President Obama or taping your eyes so that they slant if you’re dressing up as Bruce Lee. Plenty of Obama masks are available in Halloween stores, and a black wig, fake scratches on the face and a martial arts outfit might be all you need to be Bruce Lee.

water ways essays

water ways essays Do Water ways effect how we look at the world today? Waterways influence the economic, social, and the political developments of a nearby nation in many different ways. The water ways that I have chosen to discuss are seas, rivers and oceans. In this essay I will talk about how water ways influence a nearby nation. Water ways play a significant role in everyday life. The first example of how water ways effect a nearby nation are the Seas. The seas that I have chosen are the Mediterranean, and the Red sea. The Mediterranean effects the nearby nation by allowing Italy to trade with Egypt. People built boats to travel to other nations. It also helps spread and receive culture from their travels. The Mediterranean can help protect Italy, and Greece from invaders. It also can provide food for the northern part of Africa and for the southern part of Europe. The Red sea effects a nearby nation by helping Egypt and Asia to trade and spread culture. It also allowed people in Egypt to travel do in and go to India without having to go all the way around Africa from using the Mediterranean. It was also a food source for both of them. The second example of how water ways that effect a nearby nation are rivers. The rivers that I have chosen are the Nile, and Amazon river. The Nile river helps people in lower Egypt to use it to trade with people from upper Egypt. The gift of the Nile is that the river floods and provides the soil with rich nutrients. The the farmers can use the rich alluvial soil to grow crops. The Nile also provides food for the capital of Cairo. The next river is the Amazon it helps people in South America to trade and spread ideas within the nation. It provides the people with food for Manaus to eat and us it to trade with. The third example are oceans that effect nearby nations. The oceans the I have chosen are the Atlantic, and the Indian ocean. The Atlantic ocean helps the U.S. trade with Europe. It pr ...

Perform a highest and best use analysis on two properties Essay

Perform a highest and best use analysis on two properties - Essay Example The building is in urgent need of total maintenance. Keeping in mind the cost of buying a flat in this building and then contributing 1/6 of the total cost of renovation is high. But to make my flat financial feasible to the prospective buyer as well as lucrative enough for me to sell, I will have to invest money in its renovation. Then only can it be termed financially feasible from both the buyer and seller's point of view. There is no question of the supermarket not being financially feasible. Since it is a recent construction, there will hardly be any renovation required for a long time to come. This supermarket is economically doing fine so it is at its highest and best use. Legal conformity: Both the properties are legally fine. The only thing is that the residential building can legally never be converted into a commercial property as it is situated in an area meant for residential houses. Maximal productivity: Both the properties are maximally productive. The flat in which I live will guarantee highest net value to the developer because of the area in which it is situated. The supermarket is fit in all aspects and is unquestionably maximally productive. Physical possibility: Both the properties scored well in the physical possibility test. Keeping in mind the topography, shape, size and other attributes of the sites, any potential future use will not be a problem for both the sites. After

Seawest Services Association v Copenhaver Case Brief Study

Seawest Services Association v Copenhaver Brief - Case Study Example Residents outside the housing development that received the water services were also required to pay the supply and maintenance fee. The Copenhavers were limited members of the housing development, they purchased a house outside the housing development but received water services from Seawest Services Association. The Copenhavers paid for the water services for eight years since 2001 (Clarkson, Miller & Cross 233). In 2009, they refused to pay any water bills and maintenance bills. Seawest Services Association sued the Copenhavers. The courts found the defendant liable for the charges. The plaintiff, Copenhaver, appealed.Rule In an instance where a party enters into an agreement with another party, the courts have a mandate to decide whether there existed a valid quasi-contract between the parties. Application A quasi-contract is a contract that is implied by the law. There are not actual contracts. The Copenhavers did not have an actual contract with Seawest Services Association. Ho wever, the defendant knew the fact that no residence could be provided with water services without paying supply fee to the Seawater Services Association (Clarkson, Miller & Cross, 233). Consequently, this meant that a quasi-contract between the parties. Conclusion The court ruled that the quasi-contract does not allow for the enrichment of the Copenhavers as a result of unpaid water supply and maintenance charges (Clarkson, Miller & Cross, 233). For this reason, the defendant is found liable for the charges incurred.